BEIJING- Aunque la ola de manifestaciones de los últimos días en China estuviera alentada por el hartazgo provocado por la estrategia de “cero covid” del gobierno, el movimiento también es un indicio de la frustración causada por el sistema político chino, según varios expertos. En varias ciudades multitudes se manifestaron para reclamar el fin de las restricciones sanitarias y más libertades políticas. Dado su alcance territorial, esta movilización es la más importante desde las manifestaciones prodemocracia de 1989.
Pero ¿qué lo desencadenó? Un incendio en Urumqi, capital de la provincia de Xinjiang, en el noreste del país, que se cobró varias víctimas y cuyo rescate, según algunas personas, se vio obstaculizado por las medidas anticovid. El malestar, no obstante, viene de más lejos. China es uno de los últimos países en seguir aplicando una política sanitaria draconiana, que conlleva confinamientos masivos, test casi diarios y periodos de cuarentena. Hartos, una parte de los habitantes esperaban que las restricciones fueran suavizadas tras el Congreso del Partido Comunista (PCC) celebrado en octubre. Pero el gobierno decidió reforzarlas. “La gente llegó a un punto de ebullición porque no hay una dirección clara para terminar con la política de cero covid”, declaró a AFP Alfred Wu Muluan, experto en política china en la Universidad Nacional de Singapur. “Antes del 20º congreso, se esperaba un cambio político”, tuiteó Yasheng Huang, del Instituto Tecnológico de Massachusetts (MIT). “Pero la composición de la dirección del Congreso [formada únicamente por aliados de Xi Jinping y partidarios del ‘cero covid’] totally frustrated that expectation, forcing people to take action themselves.”
“Freedom to Write” The discontent caused by the sanitary measures was quickly added to demands for changes at the political level.In Shanghai, several protesters on Sunday chanted the slogan: “Xi Jinping, step down! CCP, step down!” And in Beijing, others such as: “Freedom of art” or “Freedom to write” were heard. “I do not remember public demonstrations in which they have demanded [abiertamente] freedom of the press in the last two decades,” political scientist Maria Repnikova tweeted. other broader political issues.” The largely young, internet-mobilized protesters resorted to bold strategies to dodge state censorship, waving blank sheets of paper or writing online articles full of nonsensical “positive” puns to get attention. on the lack of free speech.”The protesters are very young and the anger from the grassroots is very, very strong,” Wu observed.According to analysts, what should worry the party is the anger of the protesters towards the top Chinese leadership , something unprecedented —according to them— since the harshly repressed mobilizations of 1989. “Due to its scope and intensity, it is the most important youth demonstration [celebrada] in China since the student movement in 1989,” Willy Wo-Lamp of the Jamestown Foundation told AFP. “In 1989, the students paid special attention not to attack, especially the party leadership. This time, they have been very explicit [sobre el hecho de que quieren] a change of direction,” he said. These demonstrations, organized both in prestigious universities in Beijing and in central Chinese cities such as Wuhan and Chengdu, have a unique scope, according to Lam.
“Anger is very strong”Other experts cautioned, however, that they should not be compared to the deadly marches of 1989. “There may not be any general calls for political reform beyond the ‘zero covid’ exit,” Chenchen Zhang, a professor at Durham University, tweeted. “Today’s urban youth have grown up with economic growth, social media, and a globalized popular culture.” In China, the few protests that are organized tend to target local officials and companies, as the central government is generally perceived as a “benevolent” body that “comes in to save people from local corruption,” an expert said. This time, “the central government is in the spotlight because people understand that ‘zero covid’ is their policy,” Mary Gallagher, director of the Center for Chinese Studies at the University of Michigan, told AFP. And now, how will Beijing react? “The anger is very strong but you can’t arrest everyone,” Wu said. For Peter Frankopan, Professor of History at Oxford University, the police are in a delicate position. “There will be considerable sympathy, especially among the young police officers, for the protesters. So giving the order to crack down also carries risks,” he said. As for the political class, “Xi and other high-level leaders will have to demonstrate sooner or later,” Lam said. “If not, the rejection could continue.” Likewise, experts foresee that the concentrations will be prolonged. “It seems to me that the discontent grows more than it decreases,” Frankopan observed.
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